From Gift to Commodity (Becoming Modern: New Nineteenth-Century Studies)
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Kyle eds. Oxford: Wiley, Dant, Tim. Dantier, Bernard ed. Ellis, Sarah Taylor. University of California: escholarship, Frye, Northrop. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, Klein, Rudolf. London Report and Accounts. Lucas, John A. Olympic Review : Malreddy, Pavan Kumar. In Reworking Postcolonialism. Heidemann and O.
Laursen , Palgrave Macmillan UK, Marshall, P.
Celebrity, and Power: Fame in Contemporary Culture. Minneapolis, London: University of Minnesota Press, Marston, Sallie A.
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London: Sage, Mc Millin, Scott. The Musical as Drama. Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, Meagher, John C. Pawlett, William. Jean Baudrillard: Against Banality. London, New York: Routledge, Powers, William K. Tester, Keith. Abingdon, New York: Routledge, The Modern Olympic Games. Lausanne: The Olympic Museum, Tzanelli, Rodanthi. Olympic Ceremonialism and the Performance of National Character. From London to Rio Palgrave, Macmillan: Wolf, Virginia L. Overall the Olympics were profitable for London. On the religious or mythic level, the cycle of the seasons becomes the birth, death, and return of a divine being.
Denham Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, , The drummers were not just in time, but they moved their bodies either side of the drums in lockstep. Laursen Palgrave Macmillan UK, , Thus he analyses fashion as a characteristic of mobile societies since the renewal of objects mirrors a desire for social mobility, though this desire is not necessarily fulfilled. Sarah Ellis suggests that the cyclical time of musicals, in contrast with linear time, opens up new possibilities, since it breaks with the cause-and-effect sequence. But the biggest single increase was in the number of people claiming a mixed-ethnic background.
This almost doubled, to around 1. Tzanelli, Policies of ethnic exclusivity are replaced by a narrative of youth, joy and leisure — three coordinates that defined black community contributions to Londonese sub-cultures of consumption and protest alike over the last century. Her field of research focuses on intermedial studies both in Victorian culture and in contemporary Britain. Plan Introduction. A modern myth of industrialisation. Popular consumer culture and the digital revolution. The use of CGI and music to foster universal communion.
On the Thus he a Sarah Ellis suggests that the cyclical time of musicals, in contrast with linear time, And the relation between the grant and the research has gradually been transformed: whereas initially the grant was a means for research, for the entrepreneurs of science, the research has become the means to a grant. The capital inputs for science have become major industries. These include chemicals, apparatus, culture media, standardized strains of laboratory animals, and scientific information.
One consequence is that the development of scientific technology is often separate from the scientific research it is intended to serve. The technology is not directed at finding the cheapest or best way to study nature but at gaining profit from specific markets. In Third World countries sales representatives urge the new scientific institutes to have the "best," the "most modern" equipment long before spare parts, repair service, or reliable electric power are available. The president of the country may pose at the dedication of a shiny new sixteen-channel electroencephalogram for the psychiatric institute, but he would not show up for the trial run of buckets filled with banana mash used for surveying fruit flies.
It is more dramatic to found an institute than to keep it running. Therefore, there is now a rich tradition of telling about underutilized or broken or abandoned facilities throughout the tropics. In Third World countries, scientists' salaries are lower, but equipment and supplies cost more, and infrastructure is often not available.
It may require the labour of fifty or more workers to provide the resources to support one scientist. Originally, scientific journals were published by scientific societies to take the place of personal communications. Now, however, publishing companies have moved into publishing scientific books and journals. Company representatives often flatter and cajole scientists into writing another textbook in, say, population genetics, because "we already have good sellers in molecular genetics and developmental genetics, and this would complete the line.
The question rarely arises, "Is this publication necessary? The commoditization of university science results from the financial needs of universities. They consider scientists to be an investment in four ways: for obtaining research grants from government agencies and corporations; for converting scientific reports into public relations and the prestige into endowments; for raising the "standing" of the university as the basis for raising tuition and attracting students; and, finally, for sharing in the patents of inventions made by university faculty.
As a result, the allocation of resources within a university is influenced by the prestige and earning capacity of the various programs, and scientists in a number of universities report pressure from their administrators to turn their research in more affluent directions, such as genetic engineering. The conditions of existence of the scientific strata in the capitalist economy reinforce the beliefs and attitudes scientists receive as part of the general liberal-conservative heritage.
Despite a broad range of variation in scientists' beliefs, and despite the contradictory beliefs we all hold, there does exist a coherent implicit ideology that can legitimately be designated bourgeois. It includes the following characteristics:. The bourgeois atomistic view of society, as applied to science, asserts that progress is made by a few individuals who just happen to be "us".
Scientists see themselves as free agents independently pursuing their own inclinations. Nowhere is the sensation of independence stronger and the deception more pitiful than among intellectuals. Individualism in science helps create the common belief that the properties of populations are simply derivable from those of the uncharged atoms genes of populations or societies.
It also transforms the subjective experience of career ambition into the invention of selfishness as a law of evolution. A crucial element of individualistic ideology is the denial of that ideology. This assertion of the superiority of a small minority of intellectuals often leads to the belief that the survival of humanity depends on the ability of that minority to cajole and con the rest of the people into doing what is good for them. This bias is especially pronounced in science fiction accounts of resistance to political oppression, in which a few dedicated scientists conspire to outwit the rulers.
This elitism is profoundly antidemocratic, encouraging a cult of expertise, an aesthetic appreciation of manipulation, and a disdain for those who do not make it by the rules of academia, which often reinforces racism and sexism. The dismissal of folk knowledge has contributed to disasters in agricultural development. The elitist view supports a managerial approach to the administration of intellectual life and sees the cooptive self-selection of the academic and corporate elite as a reasonable way to run human affairs. In the internal theoretical issues of science, elitism perhaps contributes to the belief in the notion of hierarchical organization and to the search for the controlling factor that fits into the reductionist world view, which retards the study of the reciprocal interpenetration of parts in favor of a chain-of-command model of genetics, society, and even ecosystems.
Whereas the individualistic view favors a model of the world in which the parts say, species in an ecosystem are essentially independent, the elitist paradigm imposes an organization that precludes autonomy. In Western ideology "pragmatic" is a term of praise, in contrast to "ideological," which is pejorative. For scientists, pragmatism means accepting the boundary conditions imposed by commoditization and specialization.
That's not my department,' said Werner von Braun. Therefore advice must be limited to the domain of the acceptable; the dread of the raised eyebrow that withdraws credibility acts to impose not only prudence in giving advice but also, eventually, to narrow the intellectual horizons of the advisers.
In the pragmatist's eyes, strong feelings about the injustice of social arrangements are necessarily suspect as ideological, reflecting immaturity as against scholarly cool. Separation of thinking from feeling. Scientists may once have had to struggle to establish the principle that all claims about the world must be validated by evidence. Neither appeals to authority nor one's own wishes are allowed to carry any weight in scientific controversy. Some separation of thinking from feeling was probably necessary to establish the legitimacy of science.
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But once it became absolute, that separation became an obstacle to self-conscious scientific practice. It obscures the sources of our preferences about directions to take or methods to use; it imposes a formalized introduction to scientific papers, pretending to move the individual scientist out of the process of creative work through the pitiful device of removing first-person pronouns, adopting the grammatical form that Susan Griffith described as the passive impersonal.
More important, after questions of fact are formally freed from questions of value, they are not easily rejoined. While philosophers devote lifetimes to discussing how to relate the "is" to the "should," scientists are free to build all kinds of weapons, buffered by the impersonal vocabulary of "cost effectiveness," "kill ratio," and such terms, from acknowledging the effects of the products of their labour.
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Finally, the supposed superiority of thinking over feeling implies that those who withhold feelings are superior to those who express them. One result is that women, socialized in our society as the custodians of feeling, must either suppress themselves in order to be allowed to do science or must be systematically underestimated, as if "more emotional" meant less rational. The specialization of scientific labour and of command functions from research creates a model of scientific organization that is easily seen as the model for the organization of the world.
Nature is perceived as following the organization chart of our company or university, with similar phenomena united under a single chairman, distinct but related phenomena under a common dean, and unconnected events belonging to different schools or divisions. Thus specialization in practice joins with atomistic individualism to reinforce the reductionism that still predominates in the implicit philosophy of scientists. As socialists, we do not criticize the commoditization of science in order to appeal for a return to the times before science became a commodity.
That would be as futile as the antitrust laws, which seek to re- create precisely those past conditions that gave rise to the trusts. Our intent is different. The commoditization of science, its full incorporation into the process of capitalism, is the dominant fact of life for scientific activity and a pervasive influence on the thinking of scientists. To deny its relevance is to remain subject to its power, while the first step toward freedom is to acknowledge the dimensions of our unfreedom. As working scientists, we see the commoditization of science as the prime cause of the alienation of most scientists from the products of their labour.
It stands between the powerful insights of science and corresponding advances in human welfare, often producing results that contradict the stated purposes. The continuation of hunger in the modern world is not the result of an intractable problem thwarting our best efforts to feed people. Rather, agriculture in the capitalist world is directly concerned with profit and only indirectly with feeding people.
Similarly, the organization of health care is directly an economic enterprise and is only secondarily influenced by people's health needs. The irrationalities of a scientifically sophisticated world come not from failures of intelligence but from the persistence of capitalism, which as a by-product also aborts human intelligence. In a world in which some countries have broken with capitalism, it is important to emphasize that the way science is, is not how it has to be, that its present structure is not imposed by nature but by capitalism, and that it is not necessary to emulate this system of doing science.
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Dog breeds were thoroughly Victorian inventions, influenced by industrialization, commercialization, class and gender attitudes, the rise of leisure, and evolutionary thinking. Individual animals were recognized for specific qualities and loaned out among estates for breeding purposes, but there was no specific attempt to correlate those traits with physical appearance. At the time, the most well-organized dog culture came not from the upper classes, but from the world of dog fights and other lower-class entertainments, known as the Fancy.
Bullbaiting, badger baiting, dogfighting, and rat killing: these blood sports, involving as they did sport and betting, had far more emphasis on rating specific dogs in terms of a taxonomy and hierarchy.
In the early s, the first shows brought the working-class culture of the Fancy together with livestock exhibitions and added to them a bit of the allure of the dime museum freak show. The first modern dog show, T. Borrowing from livestock exhibitions, dog breeders began to see physical appearance as indicative of personality and ability.
With livestock, Worboys, Strange, and Pemberton explain,. With sporting breeds, form was taken as a proxy for function in working or sporting abilities. Thus, skull size was linked to intelligence; muzzle length to scenting; coat to warmth, protection, or visibility; and so on. The first modern dog was a pointer named Major who belonged to a certain Mr.
Mobilizing the audience commodity: Digital labour in a wireless world
With this new set of criteria, breeders began to see dog breed as a technology that could be developed through attention to aesthetics. And as breed culture developed, it soon borrowed from phrenology and eugenics, attempting to recreate class values in the world of the dog. Why do we continue to believe it acceptable to select for aesthetics among dogs? Or is it because pet dogs and cats straddle a bizarre divide, half-companion, half-consumer product? We acknowledge their near-human levels of empathy and friendship, while accepting a purebred market that functions almost exactly like the market for cars or phones.